Family
Pictures
Maps

Medical

Northrop Genealogy ~~~~ Marrying Cousins

 

The same families keep marrying each other again and again across many generations. Often family married first and second cousins.

Some historians attribute this as an attempt to keep money, property and power within the family circle. "A careful study of marriages can indicate to us where a family was at any particular moment in relation to the rest of society, ...... the family served many of the purposes later assumed by labor unions, chambers of commerce, political parties, and lobbyists. The family provided jobs for its members, exerted political pressure, and caused the writing of laws favorable to the interests of the family." Most cases, however, may simply be a question of access.

 

William s/o William of Greenfield and Elizabeth Jeremiah line

 

  • ID: I04101
  • Name: William Northrup III 1 2 3 4 5
  • Sex: M
  • ALIA: William * /Northrop/
  • Birth: DEC 1734 in Milford, New Haven Co., Connecticut 2
  • Birth: DEC 1734 in Newtown, Fairfield Co., Connecticut 2
  • Death: BEF. 1798 2
  • Will: 13 MAR 1795 Distribution of his estate, Newtown, Connecticut 2
  • Will: Did not mention Sheldon in estate (probably had died)
  • Residence: 14 NOV 1773

    Father: William Northrup II b: 16 DEC 1694 in Milford, New Haven Co., Connecticut
    Mother: Johanna b: 18 DEC 1700

    Marriage 1 Elizabeth Northrop b: 29 SEP 1744 in Newtown, Fairfield Co., Connecticut
    • Married: 7 AUG 1764 2
    Children
    1. Has No Children Sheldon Northrop b: ABT. 1766 in Newtown, Fairfield Co., Connecticut
    2. Has No Children Daniel Northrop b: 27 MAR 1768 in Newtown, Fairfield Co., Connecticut
    3. Has Children David Northrop b: ABT. 1771 in Newtown, Fairfield Co., Connecticut
    4. Has No Children Betty Northrop b: ABT. 1773

 


Kissing cousins

There is a lesson to be learned here, because we find it repeated throughout the colonial period in the Hudson Valley: keep the money in the family.* ... Thus we see that throughout the colonial period the landowners and the wielders of political power married within the group, so that their children’s birthright and inheritence was a ready access to a network of kinfolk who could help them advance their careers, and who expected favors in return.....But what of the people who were not at the top rung of the ladder? Actually, the same rules applied. They tried not to marry beneath their station but rather tried to contract a marriage with someone who could raise them up through business or political connections. There appears to be a conundrum here: how could advancement depend upon an advantageous marriage if nobody were willing to marry below his station? If a fellow with good prospects but an undistinguished name were to come courting, a girl with a good name and no money would be interested. Or an impoverished gentleman might well marry a girl from a family of rich nobodies. When people married out of their group, it was almost always a matching of someone with good connections to someone with either money at hand, or ability and good prospects. A careful study of marriages can indicate ro us where a family was at any particular moment in Ielation to the rest of society, even though we have no account books or social calendars to back up our assessment.... But what of the people who were not at the top rung of the ladder? Actually, the same rules applied. They tried not to marry beneath their station but rather tried to contract a marriage with someone who could raise them up through business or political connections. There appearst o be a conundrum here: how could advancement depend upon an advantageous marriage if nobody were willing to marry below his station? If a fellow with good prospects but an undistinguished name were to come courting, a girl with a good name and no money would be interested. Or an impoverished gentleman might well marry a girl from a family of rich nobodies. When people married out of their group, it was almost always a matching of someone with good connections to someone with either money at hand, or ability and good prospects. A careful study of marriages can indicate ro us where a family was at any particular moment in Ielation to the rest of society, even though we have no account books or social calendars to back up our assessment...... We must conclude that in the colonial Hudson Valley the family served many of the purposes later assumed by labor unions, chambers of commerce, political parties, and lobbyists. The family provided jobs lo its members, exerted political pressure, and caused the writing of laws favorable to the interests of the family. Bonds of kinship encouraged people to work together for their mutual benefit, even when there was considerable personal animosity, as, for instance, between Maria van Rensselaer and Robert Livingston. They might have fought within the family, but against outside pressures they were united. Politics and religion were secondary factors which might help to strengthen the bonds within the family in the struggle to rise above other families, but they seem not to have been nearly as important as economic considerations. The Colonial Family: Kinship nd Power Peter R. Christop New York State Library
But by the mid-18th-c, however, premarital sex was much more common. Over 40% of married women were giving birth less than 8 1/2 months after marriage (Domestic Revolutions 19).

A major issue that Puritan leaders struggled against was the commonly-accepted view that legitimate sexual relations could begin at the time of engagement, rather than waiting for the wedding. "Puritan orthodoxy had to contend with alternate beliefs and standards even among those who considered themselves respectable, God-fearing men and women: the covenanted community itself proved to be a hybrid culture" (Godbeer 22; see also, 7, 9). Many New Englanders followed a view common in England that "the boundary between illicit and licit sex was crossed once a couple became committed to each other," even though church leaders argued strongly against this (Godbeer 3).

  • Cohabitation: cohabitation was also prevalent in the 17th century. John Miller, a minister who traveled through New York in 1695, �was appalled to observe that �many couples live[d] together without ever being married in any manner of way.� It was not uncommon, he reported, for such couples to separate after several years of living together, whereupon both would �take unto themselves, either in New York or some other province, new companions.� Those who did �intend to be married together� often engaged in �ante-nuptial fornication,� which was �not looked upon as any scandal or sin�� (Godbeer 8).

    Godbeer adds that �it was not unusual for early Americans to pass from one cohabitational relationship to the next with scant regard for the formalities of divorce and remarriage� (41).
  • One of the most intriguing customs in the New England setting was a practice called bundling [or tarrying, a term used in America--so Scott 44], apparently imported from Europe, but known from many cultures around the world, far back into the ancient world. See George Ryley Scott, Curious Customs of Sex and Marriage (NY: Key, 1960), 39-48; Henry Reed Stiles, Bundling: Its Origin, Progress and Decline in America (NY: Book Collectors Assoc, 1934).

from http://www.campbell.edu/faculty/vandergriffk/FamColonial.html

 consanguineous (cousin)  marriage.    

There is also the comment that this was a dominant tradition in Europe  until St. Augustine campaigned against it in the 4th century, because  the resultant family loyalty was seen as a threat to church authority.  (The Encyclopedia Britannica 2005 article on History of Family-medieval,  supports this argument.) 

from http://ftp.rootsweb.ancestry.com/pub/review/2005/0601.txt

 

 

The same families keep marrying each other again and again across many generations. Often family married first and second cousins. Some historians attribute this as an attempt to keep money, property and power within the family circle.

"tried not to marry beneath their station but rather tried to contract a marriage with someone who could raise them up through business or political connections"

"When people married out of their group, it was almost always a matching of someone with good connections to someone with either money at hand, or ability and good prospects. A careful study of marriages can indicate to us where a family was at any particular moment in relation to the rest of society, ...... the family served many of the purposes later assumed by labor unions, chambers of commerce, political parties, and lobbyists. The family provided jobs for its members, exerted political pressure, and caused the writing of laws favorable to the interests of the family. Bonds of kinship encouraged people to work together for their mutual benefit, even when there was considerable personal animosity, ... They might have fought within the family, but against outside pressures they were united. Politics and religion were secondary factors which might help to strengthen the bonds within the family in the struggle to rise above other families, but they seem not to have been nearly as important as economic considerations". The Colonial Family: Kinship and Power Peter R. Christop New York State Library

There is also the comment that this was a dominant tradition in Europe  until St. Augustine campaigned against it in the 4th century, because  the resultant family loyalty was seen as a threat to church authority.  (The Encyclopedia Britannica 2005 article on History of Family-medieval,  supports this argument.) 

 

 


 

 

 

This home on Pequot Avenue, Southport, Connecticut is a recently restored example of the Northrop Brothers fine carpentry and building in the Southport-Greeens Farms area.

 

Image Courtesy of David Parker Associates